Theories of False Memories and Confessions

Theories of False Memories and Confessions Introduction Essentially, the memorization procedure is a compound formula, into which the human mind feeds general knowledge, contextual data—both present and past, and alternate memories (Hyman and Loftus, 2008). It is through the manipulation of such alternatives that criminologists have found that mental frailties and internal collapses allow for coercion and extraction of false memories and confessions. Ultimately, the expansive nature of this field governs the application of misrepresentation and misguidance within clinical participants, thereby affecting children through elders, each attuning different mental perspectives to the acceptance of false memories. Yet the motivations behind such influence are what continue to influence the scope of investigation, challenging researchers and professionals to interpret their data sets according to the prescription of theory and study guidelines. The mistake in this approach, as evidenced in the following analyses is directly aligned with th e diverse nature of the mind itself. Ultimately, mental frailties and personal differences affect the capacity for false memory acquisition, thereby altering the translatability of such a broad range of clinical trials. The reality of memory is that it is a function of lifestyle variables, influenced by emotion, participation, and repression, and oftentimes an overwhelming need to misdirect. Therefore, as researchers pursue the truths behind coercion and acceptance of false occurrences, alternative variable including environment, social and emotional affectation, and experiential bias must be considered. The foundation of criminology is a factual evisceration within a guarded and oftentimes obscured meandering of inconsequential details and coincidences. In order to functionally apply these theories to the study of false memories and confessions, criminologists must identify those variables which are irrelevant and those which directly alter the capacity for appropriate source monitoring and coding. Analysis The following sections identify the relevant theories within the field of false memories and confessions, thereby highlighting the idiosyncrasies which differentiate theory from field results. Given that the study of memory error and falsification has evolved across a broad spectrum of participants and studies, conflicting results do arise requiring researchers to further extrapolate those foundations which can provide a much more derisive prescriptions and analyses. Ultimately, the foundation for false memories derives from situational, contextual, emotional, and suggestible phenomena, each contributing to the failure of internal memory control mechanisms such as codification and source monitoring. Photographs and Events From a clinical perspective, research on false memories is most often conducted through the use of a broad range of participants and photographic or event based suggestions. As researchers note that false memories evolve from varied institutions and scenarios, the internment of such representations within a patient’s mind is directly related to acceptance, context, and ascription (Wade, et al., 2002). To access these variables within the respondent’s mind, researchers will offer them a suggestive false memory, one which when appropriately directed can become a legacy memory, vivid and real in every detail. While these steps remain the foundation of false memory research, the reality is that variables interned within the participant’s cognitive capabilities are actually responsible for the assumptive application. Attribution to a personal experience, or in other words, personal implantation evolves from the coercive factors including context, social, and emotional influences. Hyman and Loftus (1998) highlight an internal assumptive nature within humanity in which photographs are ascribed a credibility, one which is unequivocally reliable and deemed a perpetual representation of emotional encapsulation. Yet this expectation is unreliable unless the participant is both open to suggestion and primed by internal mechanisms, including experiential relevance. A study exploring the affect of doctored images and their reliability in memory coercion conducted by Wade et al. (2002) determined that from a criminology standpoint, the potential for misrepresentation through image doctoring is both real and applicable. Coercion of defendants in a controlled setting through photographic manipulation is an effective mode of generating acceptance of placement, criminal activity, and actions. What must be further exploited, however, is the fact that simply placing a person’s face or figure into a crime scene and then attempting to convince them of its validity is no t an effective, nor internally translatable process. In fact, the photographic qualities themselves are not typically the determining factor in a confession. Situational relevance, environmental variables, and the scope of punishment will oftentimes result in false memory generation under the constraint of suggestive photographs or other evidence. However, in particular studies, where suggestion of validity is enhanced by familiar figures, the capacity to accept its reliability become substantially enhanced (Wade, 2002). In fact, researchers have highlighted that when coupled with vivid memories of childhood events, images can couple with imagination to produce effective pseudomemories (Lindsay et al., 2004). Remarkably, the infusion of both imagination and belief enhance the acceptance of the photograph, thereby evoking a memory which is directly aligned with perceived experience. In truth, experience is then created through mental approbation, enhancing the respondent’s rec ognition of reality and falsifying a lasting memory. Historically, studies have represented the nature of false memory as both contextually and temporally derived, exploiting both age and socio-economic background to attempt to identify those variables which most encourage falsified representation (Bruck et al., 2002; McFarlane et al., 2002; Jones and Powell, 2005). Unfortunately, the explanation for the enhanced falsification at later temporal dates is limited by the scope of experimental constructs, evading those intricacies which most influence childhood interpretation, including environment, experience, and emotional affectation. Regardless of enhanced detail offered by children in relation to false scenarios, the underlying implications demonstrate that internalisation of imagery and detail from prior interviews is directly related to the deviance from actual events. Therefore, future studies must exploit the aforementioned variables to determine how situational memory and influence directs the internalisation of false memories. I n scenarios where sexual abuse is purported, the emotional ties and suggestive influence of the psychologist will oftentimes evoke a false memory which leads to a criminal conviction. Accusers have been known to manufacture their charges through internalised responses to suggestive event or photographs, thereby combining emotion and coercion into a false singular incidence. Encoding and Imagination Much of the research surrounding false memories and false confessions evolves from controlled clinical scenarios through which respondents are subjected to either a suggestive memory or control memory. Researchers note that regardless of age, the reflective process through which subjects engage in encoding suggestions or artificially induced memories influences the depth of misattribution and internment (Zargoza and Lane, 1994). These background motivations remain obscured, thereby limiting the clinical professional’s ability to appropriately interpret results on a deeper and more prescriptive level. One affectation within this realm of study evolves from a Freudian concept of childhood amnesia, through which memories prior to age eight are likely to be lacking in depth and clarity. From this assumption, studies have determined that children are similarly susceptible to acquisition of false memories and imposition of misinformation as a perceived reality within the amnesic per iod as they are after its inception (Strange et al., 2008). Therefore, the nature of false memory association is both temporally and contextually relevant, enhanced by ineffective source monitoring as well as improper codification of misinformation. The ability to correctly identify the source of particular information, whether through memory or suggestion, and interpret it into a memory or external data is oftentimes limited by a cognitive or mental failure or frailty (Johnson et al., 1993). Specificity in questioning when interviewing children or adults will oftentimes dictate the direction of the response. Exemplary of such behaviour, studies relating to children and their memory of physical examination or improper groping have demonstrated that sensitivity to interviewer demands, including the formality of the setting and length of the interview, can lead to inaccurate responses (Bruck et al., 2000). Given that methods of encoding alter on a temporal level, one which evolves throughout maturation, false memories and confessions evolve out of a situational relevance, one which is both contextually and personally linked to the participant. Over longer periods of time, Huffman et al. (1997) determined that the efficacy of an instilled false memory can become altered, oftentimes diminishing or erasing the memory altogether. Helpful in recognising the frailty of false memories, imagination studies, specifically those in which respondents are proposed a false memory and asked to internalize its occurrence, have determined that through suggestion and personal codification that participants could come to believe that they had experienced a particular occurrence (Hyman and Pentland, 1996; Mazzoni and Memon, 2003). Yet in both of these clinical instances, the depth and substance of the memory is temporally altered when participants are removed from the clinical setting. Therefore, the enco ding process, an internalisation of both environment and suggestion, is directly related to the influence of the studies themselves, reducing their reliability of findings. Ultimately, the mental failures which result in false memories evolve as a collusion of personal susceptibility, relevance, and environment. Laney et al. (2008) demonstrated that there can remain a long term persistence of false memories, continuing to affect the participant. The reality is that external from the clinical setting, the impetus to maintain such falsification becomes reduced and the overall affects of the false memories are thereby minimized. Under normal circumstances, the mind will retrace, realigning false memories with more appropriate legacy, yet these studies do not evaluate longer term implications of such imagery and understanding. Similarly, as emotionally charged influences will oftentimes linger at a much more deep seeded level, researchers must pursue appropriate analysis which is direct ly aligned with such memory impetus. Emotional Influence Perhaps the strongest mental affectation of false memories and their long term implantation evolves from the level of emotional connection which participants encounter during a particular study. Emotional influence in memory can substantially alter the representation of a witnessed scene, oftentimes directed through a misinformation filter by interviewers to prescribe altered data to a witness testimony (Porter et al, 2003). The capability to control such emotional connections is increasingly strong the more relevant to the participant the scenario becomes. Had a witness been sexually abused as a child, the coercive capabilities of an investigator in an abuse case would become substantially magnified, enabling direction and suggestion to overwhelm fact and visual memory. The overwhelming affect of misleading questions on eyewitness testimony and remembrance has been demonstrated through clinical evidence to encourage participants to acclimate towards the distinctions of the questioni ng process as opposed to those realities of the actual scene (Porter et al, 2003). Such manipulation relies on the emotional influence of memory and the internal components which link a witness or defendant to a particular incidence. Testimony or discussions involving false memories will oftentimes assume similar levels of emotionality as those which actually occurred. The emotional response, triggered experientially and representing composite cognition over a lifetime of emotional interactions, will oftentimes become evoked through the processes of remembrance, leading to the installation of false memories, regardless of actual occurrence (Laney and Loftus, 2008). Witnesses will assume the same victimisation of the actual victims, thereby imposing their emotional responses on the factual nature of their memory. In cases of criminal activity, emotional connections to a particular incidence, when coupled with the gruelling interview process will oftentimes lead defendants to falsify their testimony, accepting suggestion as fact, rather than adhering to the situational truth. Loftus (1995) recognized that in clinical or trial settings, that frailties within the examination process themselves will oftentimes influen ce the outcome of a participant’s response. Exemplary of this belief, the nature of coercion, and oftentimes, the semantic limitations of suggestive variables can oftentimes influence the respondent to agree with interviewers or alter their personal beliefs to match those which must be right by basis of subtractive analysis. If a child were to claim that they had been abused and the investigator then asked leading questions regarding location, method, and culpability, the child will oftentimes pursue an emotionally charged affirmative approach, thereby aligning with the investigator rather than the factuality of the event (Bruck et al., 2000). It is this form of false memory which is most damaging within the criminal justice system, thereby undermining validity measures and institutional protection mechanisms. Criminals who are emotionally coerced through threat of loss or overwhelming pressure will oftentimes confess under duress as a direct result of the interrogation. A form of constructivist ideology, as outlined by Hyman et al. (1995) exploits the nature of experiential influences over false childhood memories, thereby linking the breadth of supportive detail to the adult’s more subverted knowledge of abuse and emotionality linked to negative stimuli. Unfortunately, the depth of this study does little to substantiate credible interpretation to this cause, redressing the innate social reactivity which respondents concurrently integrated into their memory responses. Therefore, the coincidental nature of general experience and its supposed influence over false memories must be expanded to include qualifications of social and personal bias, each which when coupled with false memories would contribute to the detailed exploration of falsified events. Alternate studies have explored this theory more in depth, highlighting the semantic nature of pre-existing concepts or objects when explored through presupposed personal experiences (Koutstaal, et al., 2001; Koutstaal et al, 2003). Such studies determined that semantics influence older participants to a much greater level, thereby exacerbating the incidence of false memories when considered at a more colloquial level. Were such results coupled with those of Hyman et al. (1995), a more distinctive conclusion could be drawn from which researchers could pursues the underlying social composites which influence and activate both positive and negative memories. What would most likely be found is that a heightened emotional response, specifically one captured within a false memory, is indicative of regressed personal affectation by the incidental actions within a particular scenario. Therefore, researchers might uncover the personally generated codification which internally activates improper sensory processing and ascribes validity to erroneous memories. Coercion and False Confessions Perhaps one of the most widely debated applications of false memory protocol evolves from the need to prosecute, and thereby, coerce a powerful confession from accused defendants. Interrogation and deception are often methods of acquisition, and in certain cases, the pressure of such applications results in false or coerced confessions from which a jury and judge may prosecute (Wakefield and Underwager, 1998). Yet the nature of analysis for such falsifications is oftentimes flawed, actively pursuing the environmental variables which most overwhelm the defendant and their incidental memory as opposed to those underlying personal memory failures and sentiments which most directly influence the need to admit guilt. Researchers Kassin and Kiechel (1996) highlight that similar to those false memories exhibited by misinformed children, defendants under the pressures of interrogation are more likely to confess, internalize, and construct personal detail directly related to a crime they may not have committed. Emotional commitment such as guilt, fear, pride, and frustration will a play varied roles within the coercion process, oftentimes encouraging the unwanted effect of false testimony. Researchers have also determined that in scenarios where heightened social pressure, i.e. the interviewer/psychologist expectations, can influence both confessor and retractor, thereby directing their memories into a falsely coerced state (Ost, et al., 2001). The nature of the interrogation room, a blank slate with little stimulus is one such factor in overwhelming the defendant’s nerve and capacity for subterfuge. Similarly, the investigator’s temperament, the temporal burdens, and the nature of the crime itself will also contribute to extracting a confession. False confessions are oftentimes the product of improper source monitoring, as the interrogators and data stream can evoke a deeply seeded confusion through which event sequences evolve as though in a hazy dream (Wakefield and Underwager, 1998). False memories arise as an inaccurate coding of the information source, an internalisation of the incident as opposed to relinquishing the data stream as an externally fo unded scenario (Hyman and Loftus, 1998). Over time and pressure, defendants will interpret the misinformation within a revised codification, one in which they believe that they actually perpetrated the crime, regardless of guilt. It is this mental block and source alteration which ascribes personal qualities to the criminal activity, thereby coercing a confession. Essential to the functioning of the legal system, those who are wrongly convicted and later released based upon such coercion or malignant testimony will oftentimes find adjustment within normal social limits an impossibility (Shore, 2001). Coercion tactics are designed to evoke a form of control bias, one which places the defendant at a significant disadvantage, and in oftentimes frightening and overwhelming circumstances (Perskey, 2000). Although researchers have considered intelligence and alternative social modifiers as significant influences within an interrogative setting, there is limited support for differentiation of false testifiers on the basis of IQ differences and results are instead linked to internal suggestibility indicators (Gudjonsson, 1991). One question which has not been adequately answered by such research, however, is whether or not intelligence coupled with experiential preparation might undermine the coercive effects of the investigation room. The ability to withstand the pressure and suggestive messaging of the investigative authority figure is a function of several constructs including innocence, experience, fear, authoritative rejection, and many others. All of these variables are directly li nked to the cognitive control measures which reject the false memories or false confession. Influence within the interrogation room can often evolve from stimuli outside of the interrogator’s locus of control, including predefined experience as well as the withdrawal and detoxification from alcohol and illicit substances. One study determined that withdrawal characteristics substantially impair the cognitive abilities of a defendant and enhance suggestibility, oftentimes leading to misleading statements or false confessions due to the possibility of short term gains (Gudjonsson, 1993; Gudjonsson et al., 2002). The need to escape the constrictive confines of the interrogation room, coupled with a need to acquire addictive elements will oftentimes allow the defendant to reduce their internal protective mechanisms and through an expectation of gain, acquiesce to the coercion. On the other hand, long term experience within the criminal field will negatively influence the coercion practices utilized in standard interrogation. Therefore, criminologists will oftentimes empl oy alternative methodology specifically designed to access the regressed emotional block associated previous incarceration experiences, as well as present an expectation of leniency or freedom given the acceptance of confession or presentation of alternatives. Again, as with substance abuse, the emotional commitment to goal acquisition will enhance the internalisation of investigative presentation, oftentimes coercing a confession by nature of the expected benefit. Conclusion As recanting has become a principle mode of overturning a confession in the modern court system, the investigative approach assumed by criminal professionals has evolved to assume a much more Freudian zeal. Given the depth of mental deviance between participants within this vast field, the potential for coerced confessions and false memories is blatantly obvious, unfortunately, the numerous investigations and clinical trials have yet to yield a worthy prescription of authority on this issue. While assumptive reasoning can discern those cases in which convicts were coerced and forced into a premature confession, the numerous recants and overturned cases have led the industry to remain wary and protective of any form of premature adjudication. Ultimately, the internal mechanisms which drive false memories into a believable reality are expansive and oftentimes linked to variables within a criminal mind that cannot be appropriately analyzed without deep psychological evaluation. The nature of false memory is one which can be manipulated both for virtuous and derogatory efforts, a weapon in the arsenal of the criminal investigator. Unfortunately, identifying when a codified suggestion has errantly become a mode of confession for an innocent defendant is a difficult and painstaking task. As theorists attempt to derive methods for applying such falsifications to their patients, they are rejecting the need for recognition protocol. It is through the identification of discrepancies and storyline vagrancies that criminologists can actively pursue the appropriate perpetrators and reject a coerced confession from those who are overwhelmed by interrogation and suggestion. Source monitoring and the nature of authority in the criminal justice system are conflicting mechanisms of memory alteration, each influencing the participant’s internalisation while investigators actively pursue their results. Too often does the system become enamoured with the conviction, t hereby rejecting the truth in favour of exploitative techniques. It is through the investigation of factually founded memories and the application of appropriate research that criminal experts will eventually retain their culprits. References Bruck, M; Ceci, S.J; Francoeur, E. (2000) Children’s Use of Anatomically Detailed Dolls to Report Genital Touching in Medical Examination: Developmental and Gender Comparisons. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Applied, 6, (1), 74-83. Bruck, M; Ceci, S; Hembrooke, H. (2002) The Nature of Children’s True and False Narratives. Developmental Review, 22, 520-554. Huffman, M.L; Crossman, A.M; Ceci, S.J. (1997) Are False Memories Permanent? An Investigation of the Long Term Effects of Source Misattributions. Consciousness and Cognition, 6, 482-490. Gudjonsson, G. (1991) The Effects of Intelligence and Memory on Group Differences in Suggestibility and Compliance. Personality Individual Differences, 12, (5), 503-505. Gudjonsson, G. (1993) Confession evidence, Psychological Vulnerability, and Expert Testimony. Journal of Community and Applied Social Psychology, 3, 117-129. Gudjonsson, G; Hannesdottir, K; Petursson, H; Bjornsson, G. (2002) The Effects of Alcohol Withdrawal on Mental State, Interrogative Suggestibility and Compliance: An experimental Study. The Journal of Forensic Psychiatry, 13 (1), 53-67. Hyman, I.E; Husband, T.H; Billings, F.J. (1995) False Memories of Childhood Experiences.†Applied Cognitive Psychology, 9, 181-197. Hyman, I.E; Loftus, E.F. (1998) Errors in Autobiographical Memory. Clinical Psychology Review, 18, 933-947. Hyman, I.E: Pentland, J. (1996) The Role of Mental Imagery in the Creation of False Childhood Memories. Journal of Memory and Language, 35, 101-117. Johnson, M.K; Hashtroudi, S; Lindsay, D.S. (1993) Source Monitoring. Psychological Bulletin, 114 (1), 3-28. Jones, C.H; Powell, M.B. (2005) The Effect of Event Context on Children’s Recall of Non-Experienced Events Across Multiple Interviews. Legal and Criminological Psychology, 10, 83-101. Kassin, S.M; Kiechel, K.L. (1996) The Social Psychology of False Confessions: Compliance, Internalization, and Confabulation. Psychological Science, 7, 125-128. Koutstaal, W; Reddy, C; Jackson, E.M; Prince, S; Cendan, D.L; Schacter, D.L. (2003) False Recognition of Abstract Versus Common Objects in Older and Younger Adults: Testing the Semantic Categorization Account. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 29 (4), 499-510. Koutstall, W; Schacter, D.L; Brenner, C. 92001) Dual Task Demands and Gist-Based False Recognition of Pictures in Younger and Older Adults. Journal of Memory and Language, 44, 399-426. Laney, C; Fowler, N.B; Nelson, K.J; Bernstein, D.M; Loftus, E.F. (2008) The Persistence of False Beliefs. Acta Psychologica, 129, 190-197. Laney, C; Loftus, E.F. (2008) Emotional Content of True and False Memories. Memory, 16, 5, 500-516. Lindsay, D.S; Hagen, L; Read, D; Wade, K.A; Garry, M. (2005) True Photographs and False Memories. Psychological Science, 15 (3), 149-154. Loftus, E.F. (1995) Memory Malleability: Constructivist and Fuzzy-Trace Explanations. Learning and Individual Differences, 7 (2), 133-137. Mazzoni, G; Memon, A. (2003) Imagination Can Create False Autobiographical Memories. Psychological Science, 14 (2), March,186-188. McFarlane, F; Powell, M.B; Dudgeon, P. (2002) An Examination of the Degree to Which IQ, Memory, Performance, Socio-Economic Status, and Gender Predict Young Children’s Suggestibility. Legal and Criminological Psychology, 7, 227-239. Ost, J; Costall, A; Bull, R. (2001) False Confessions and False Memories: a Model for Understanding Retractors’ Experiences. The Journal of Forensic Psychiatry, 12 (3), 549-579. Perske, R. (2000) Deception in the Interrogation Room: Sometimes Tragic for Persons with Mental Retardation and Other Developmental Disabilities. Mental Retardation, 532-537. Porter, S; Spencer, L; Birt, A.R. (2003) Blinded By Emotion? Effect of the Emotionality of a Scene on Susceptibility to False Memories. Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science, 35 (2), 165-175. Shore, P. (2001) Resettlement Needs of the Wrongly Convicted. The Journal of Forensic Psychiatry, 12 (3), December, 487-490. Strange, D; Wade, K; Hayne, H. (2008) Creating False Memories for Events That Occurred Before Versus After the Offset of Childhood Amnesia. Psychology Press, 16 (5), 475-484. Wade, K.A; Garry, M; Read, J.D; Lindsay, D.S. (2002) A Picture is Worth a Thousand Lies: Using False Photographs to Create False Childhood Memories. Psychonomic Bulletin Review, 9 (3), 597-603. Wakefield, H; Underwager, R. (1998) Coerced or Nonvoluntary Confessions. John Wiley and Sons. Zargoza, M.S; Lane, S. M. (1994) Source Misattributions and the Suggestibility of Eyewitness Memory. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 20, 934-935.

Viper Fish :: essays research papers fc

The viperfish is one of the fiercest predators of the deep. It’s scientific name is Chauliodus sloani. The viperfish’s name comes from its fang resemblance to the Viper Snake. The viperfish, which typically grows to at least a foot long, has a very large mouth, which opens very widely but is not big enough to contain the fish's long teeth. The viperfish is also bioluminescent, with photophores light-emitting organs on its dorsal fin and along its body to lure its prey to it. The fish has been observed hovering in place in the water with its dorsal fin curved around so that its photophore is waving near its mouth, as a means of drawing prey. Because the viperfish's body is dark blue or black in color, it is thought that other fish can see no part of it other than its lights. The viperfish uses swimming for locomotion. It has been known to impale its victims on its teeth by swimming toward them, while using its first vertebra as a shock absorber. The viperfish’s diet consists of shrimp, squid, and little fishes. The viperfish is found at depths of 500-2500 meters during the day in the part of the ocean sometimes called the "twilight zone," because very little light penetrates to that depth. When it goes in search of the crustaceans and small fish that are its main sources of food at night; it rises as close as to the surface as 80 meters where food is more plentiful. The Viperfish occurs in tropical and temperate marine waters world-wide. In Australia, specimens have been collected from south-western Western Australia, around the north of the country and south to Tasmania. An adaptation that the viperfish has made is the dorsal fin has photophores that are believed to attract prey. Little is known of the reproduction of this species, but it is believed to spawn externally. This means that the males and females release sperm and eggs into the water where fertilization occurs. Chauliodus sloani inhabit depths that make them very difficult to study. Viper Fish :: essays research papers fc The viperfish is one of the fiercest predators of the deep. It’s scientific name is Chauliodus sloani. The viperfish’s name comes from its fang resemblance to the Viper Snake. The viperfish, which typically grows to at least a foot long, has a very large mouth, which opens very widely but is not big enough to contain the fish's long teeth. The viperfish is also bioluminescent, with photophores light-emitting organs on its dorsal fin and along its body to lure its prey to it. The fish has been observed hovering in place in the water with its dorsal fin curved around so that its photophore is waving near its mouth, as a means of drawing prey. Because the viperfish's body is dark blue or black in color, it is thought that other fish can see no part of it other than its lights. The viperfish uses swimming for locomotion. It has been known to impale its victims on its teeth by swimming toward them, while using its first vertebra as a shock absorber. The viperfish’s diet consists of shrimp, squid, and little fishes. The viperfish is found at depths of 500-2500 meters during the day in the part of the ocean sometimes called the "twilight zone," because very little light penetrates to that depth. When it goes in search of the crustaceans and small fish that are its main sources of food at night; it rises as close as to the surface as 80 meters where food is more plentiful. The Viperfish occurs in tropical and temperate marine waters world-wide. In Australia, specimens have been collected from south-western Western Australia, around the north of the country and south to Tasmania. An adaptation that the viperfish has made is the dorsal fin has photophores that are believed to attract prey. Little is known of the reproduction of this species, but it is believed to spawn externally. This means that the males and females release sperm and eggs into the water where fertilization occurs. Chauliodus sloani inhabit depths that make them very difficult to study.

The Shadow – Creative Writing

The sun rose from behind the hill, at tower hill, as it climbed higher in the sky, its rays beamed through the window pains of the roof of the train station. Mr Hitchin's stood staring at the train schedule; he didn't know where to go, London, or Leeds? Mr Hitchin's was looking for work, tower hill just wasn't good enough, he had bigger and better things in mind, he wanted to make the money and give the orders, but this time he wasn't going to let happen what happened last time. He had decided, he was going to Leeds. He was wearing a black trilby hat, and a black pin striped suite, he was also wearing a long brown trench coat, that traipsed along the floor as he made his way to the ticket office. â€Å"One way to Leeds† he said to the ticket officer. â€Å"What time?† said the ticket officer? â€Å"12:35, please if that's the one that goes the earliest† questioned Mr Hitchin's â€Å"Yes sir, that is the earliest train to Leeds today sir, that's à ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½12.50 please† Mr Hitchin's handed the officer the money â€Å"Thank you sir, you look familiar have we meet before? you remind me of somebody that I saw in the paper, but I can't remember what for, ow well was probably somebody else, have a pleasant journey sir† â€Å"Thank you† Mr Hitchin's replied. He made his was to the platform ready to catch the train, the time was now 12:39, 4 minutes late, two police officers walked through the entrance of the train station, Mr Hitchin's stood with his back to the wall, around the corner from the platform, wedged between the wall and a vending machine. The police officers were getting closer to him, as they walked down the platform asking people questions and showing them a piece of paper. â€Å"Excuse me sir, have you seen this man?† Mr Hitchin's looked at the sheet of paper there was a picture of him and the words ‘wanted, for attempted murder' on it! He quickly jerked his head down and slightly pushed the brim of his hat over the edge of his face. â€Å"No, sorry† he quickly replied. The train was now at the platform, and people were boarding it, one of the officers' looked him up and down. â€Å"Excuse me sir, do you mind if you come with us, so we can ask you some questions?† â€Å"Of course† Mr Hitchin's replied, as they made there way to the exit of the train station, Mr Hitchin's turned and ran to the doors of the train, the police officers stumbled behind him trying to catch him. As Mr Hitchin's jumped onto the train the doors firmly closed behind him. The train set off, as the police officers ran at the side of it trying to catch it, but the train carried on going, all the way to Leeds. Mr Hitchin's was scared; the police were onto him again†¦ Mr Hitchin's was awoken as the train jerked to a halt; people clambered over each other as they exited the train. He rose from his seat, collected his belongings, and left the train as well. Here he was Leed's city station, he looked around there was police at the entrance and still the wanted posters were around on the walls as well. He made his way over to a news paper stand, were he brought a copy of the Yorkshire post, were he had happened to make the front page, again, the headline read â€Å"convict on run for attempted murder†. He jerked quickly hading over the cash and makes a swift exit of the station, he turned out of the station, and made his way to the Queens hotel. He exited the hustle and bustle on the streets, and made his way into the reception of the queen's hotel. The warm air welcomed him with the smell of peaches, he swiftly made his way to the front desk, were he rang for some service. â€Å"Hello sir, and welcome to the queens hotel† said a man, who emerged from behind the counter, he was quite short and had jet-black hair. â€Å"Hi, I'd like a room for one, for 4 week's,† said Mr Hitchin's â€Å"Yes sir, the total will be a total of à ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½2,100, when would you like to pay?† â€Å"On my departure† replied Mr Hitchin's â€Å"Very well sir, we do insist of a deposit of 10% sir† Mr Hitchin's handed the receptionist the money â€Å"Thank you sir, her is your room key, it is room number 24 it is up the stairs and is the first room on your right†. Mr Hitchin's made his way to his room, he opened the door and walked in, he paced over to the window and peered out, the streets were full of people making there way to work, what was he going to do? He needed a job, so he grabbed the Yorkshire post he bought earlier and started to look for a decent job. Half an hour had past, he still hadn't found anything. He needed a new identity, a now look, so he grabbed his phone and called Steve, â€Å"hi Steve, it's Greg, well I'm in Leeds and as you know in a spot of trouble and I need a cover, can you help?† â€Å"Meet me outside the royal armoires in 2 hours† replied Steve. Mr Hitchin's set off to meet Steve, he walked down bridge gate end, over the river Aire, and onto dock street, soon he reached armouries way and waited for Steve to arrive. He saw Steve inside, and sharply made his way inside, making sure his identity wasn't recognisable. He sat in an arm chair by the side of the door, Steve walked over and sat down next to him, he placed an envelope that he had in his hand on the arm of the chair, Steve then got up, leaving the envelope on the chair arm and walked away, Mr Hitchin's took the envelope and placed it in his inside pocket, and made his way back to the hotel. On his way back, Mr Hitchin's noticed that there was a black ford escort following him, with two men on foot, who also seemed to be following him, Mr Hitchin's quickened up his pace, he was just about to turn into the street were the hotel was, when a police officer stepped in front of him and said â€Å"Greg Hitchin's, I think we need to talk†

The Mafia essays

The Mafia essays The mafia is a secret society that consists of an assortment of criminal groups who are divided into sub-divisions called families. It is considered to be a family operated business; in which each family had its own little private city, that was located within a larger city as a way to keep themselves from being located by the authorities. Each family was ulitlmley ruled by the godfather. Many people have said that the mafia has perhaps one of the best systems of power, more so than any other group or government known today (Organized Crime 1). Joining the mafia was like joining a religion .It was a commitment for life, you could not retire form it and this still holds true today. This was a serious religon, even for the very young mafia members. They were taught basic uses of the sword, knife and rope, in order to murder their victims (History Of The Mafia 2). It can also be referred to as a type of bureaucratic society; in which every member/mobster has there role and all are ruled by one main person. Each family has a division of labor in which certain individuals are assigned a job that they are qualified for and they are each given a title that separates them from each other. The commission is a forum of family bosses that handle the interfamily disputes and they set the general policy for the mafia. Bosses or dons are the ones who give the orders and the family is supposed to follow them without any question. The under bosses are the ones who control the day-to-day operations of the family. The consiglieres/contabile were the ones who acted as the counselor or advisor to the boss they were also the financial advisors and they took care of al the money within each family. There were people called associates who would do the real dirty work. They were not made guys, they just hung around with the crew. They often were willing to do anything to get made; therefore they would han...

buy custom Ethical Decisions essay

buy custom Ethical Decisions essay Human beings make ethical decisions on a daily basis, where they have to make choices that affect their morality. This is as a result of the societal norms that govern our lives. Such norms determine what is good or evil, and as human beings we have to make these decisions on a regular basis. Definition Ethics, which is also, known as moral philosophy is a branch of philosophy that seeks to address questions of morality. These include concepts such as, right, wrong, good, bad, evil, virtue and justice (Badiou, 2001). Nabor (2003, p. 2) defines ethics as the study of the nature and morality of the human acts. This raises the question of what makes a moral action in the first place. Nabor (2003) further argues that study of ethics deals with types of questions, one critically normative and the other theoretical. The paper is based more on what is seen to be critically normative. Case study Consider a situation where a safety consultant in private practice who has experience working in the field for about two years. In one instance you get to consult for an organisation where workers' compensation cost for personnel in one of the buildings is extremely high. The consultant evaluates the situation and finds out that only restricted personnel are allowed in the building, hence little supervision for the management personnel. The consultant also discovers routine dumping of toxic substances in a nearby stream and disposal of large amounts of benzene in the same sewer. This leads to severe cases of heavy metal poisoning, and the workers have no sense of the health hazards. The consultant submits the report to the human resources director and informs the director about the case of metal poisoning. The director tells the consultant to keep quiet on those findings as they are the result of competitive pressure and promises regular consultancy work for the consultant. Discussion From the above scenario we can deduce a case of morality, which is within the realms of ethics. The consultant finds a problem in an organization, but is promised an increase in payment and future work if he keeps quiet on the case. Many people find themselves in this situation on a regular basis. The consultant finds himself in a situation where he has to make what Rae (1995) calls moral choice. He could choose to cooperate with the human resources director, and keep secret his findingss. This will be to the detriment of the innocent staff suffering the consequences of metal poisoning which they have no knowledge of. He could also opt to report the case to the relevant authority, in this case starting with the top management of the organization, or the legal authority that regulates the workers rights and agents monitoring environmental pollution. The consultant will have made an ethical decision in either way, including keeping quite on the problem. Ethics is concerned with the study of situations as the case study shows, where the consultant has to make a moral decision that will affect many people. Conclusion Ethics which is concerned with making moral decisions affects many people on a daily basis. This is where people have to make moral decisions that will affect both others and themselves. Such decisions are governed by the regulations within the society where one lives. Based on the case study described above, it is observed that the human resource director was aware of the hazardous conditions the staffs were working in, but was ready not to initiate any changes. On the other hand, the consultant who discovered the problem in his investigations had the duty and responsibility to alert the relevant authorities. Buy custom Ethical Decisions essay

Critical Thinking 2 Speech or Presentation Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Critical Thinking 2 - Speech or Presentation Example All the sectors are related and affect each other. a) For each unit change of an independent variable, the change in the quantity of Chevys sold or demanded is equivalent to the coefficient of the variable. Therefore; a unitary change in the following independent variables will cause a corresponding change in quantity demanded by; The increase in the price of tickets resulted into increased profits in the short-run. However, in the long-run, profits declined owing to the fact that in the long-run, the customer is not willing to purchase the ticket at an increased price. a) These goods conform to the law of demand. This is because the law of demand states that an increase in the price of a commodity would lead to decrease in its demand as consumers would be less willing to purchase the commodity at a higher price, thus leading to a negative price elasticity of demand. On the other hand, an increase in consumer’s income would lead to an increase in demand of the commodity as consumers are able to consume more of the commodity, thus leading to a positive income elasticity of

English Composition Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

English Composition - Essay Example ding to Segell, the traditional standards of masculinity and femininity has overridden over society and therefore these standards have to be altered to think beyond it and find new concepts which retains the basic positive differences between men and women (Segell 298). Segell discussed that in the current race, the concept of masculinity and femininity is nothing more than a man who wants to find women / partner who had their sense of success dependent on their husbands. While natural aggressiveness, the want to dominate, and taking risks are other qualities of masculinity in our society. Femininity on the other hand has been defined as a very disastrous tool. They first identified and assured what men criticized in women, which is their expressiveness and empathy then by surpassing their self-confidence they got a foothold in the corporate sector (Segell 300). Psychological potency for the aspiring alpha male according to Segell is his tendency of a man who belief that their masculinity can actually help them to turn down their levels of self-absorption regarding practical problem solving. They can expand the understanding of themselves and can increase the respect for her mate / women bringing back the old traditional glory that was shared by women in husbands. In my very own opinion agreeing with the aforementioned proposal is not surprising and should be brought into consideration. Segell, Michael. "The Second Coming of the Alpha Male: A Prescription for Righteous Masculinity at the Millenium." Chaffee, John. Thinking Critically. Boston: Wadsworth/Clengage Learning, 2012.